A large wine economy with a long prevention route
Italy should be read as a wine ecosystem rather than as a list of wineries. The country combines vineyards, farms, wineries, cooperatives, bottling and distribution, retail, HORECA, wine tourism, fairs, communication, education, consultancy, legal and agronomic services, certification systems and women-in-wine networks. The Grapes of Change methodology asks the Observatory to look along the wine supply chain, including production, distribution and promotion, catering and sommeliers, training and communication.
This matters for gender-based violence (GBV) prevention. A woman working during harvest, a young oenologist entering a male-dominated cellar team, a communication manager at a wine fair, a sommelier working late hours, a distributor visiting clients, and a consultant working across companies may all be part of the wine economy. They do not face the same risks, reporting barriers or support pathways.
Italy in brief
A sector of many actors, not one workplace
The size structure of Italian wine-related agriculture is central to the Observatory logic. The ISTAT 2020 data used in the Italian country file identify 219,626 specialised viticulture and wine-related agricultural businesses across economic-size classes. More than half are in the smallest class, and more than 85% are below EUR 100,000 of economic size. This does not mean that small units are less important; it means that prevention tools must be realistic for small and family-based actors as well as for larger firms. [5]
Women in Italian wine: visible, but not fully measurable
The Italian evidence base should be read with both interest and caution. Sector sources report that approximately one-third of Italian wine businesses are women-led. New research promoted by CREA and Associazione Nazionale Le Donne del Vino also signals growing attention to women-led wine enterprises and their organisational models. [14, 15] These are valuable signals, but they do not yet provide a complete public map of women in ownership, management, board positions, pay structures, seasonal work, reporting systems or company-level prevention policies.
The Observatory should therefore avoid two simplifications. The first would be to present the sector only as male-dominated and ignore women who are already leading, innovating and sustaining the industry. The second would be to treat visibility as proof that equality has been achieved. In Italy, the stronger question is how women move from presence to power, from participation to protection, and from individual resilience to organisational accountability.
Data transparency: what can be seen and what remains invisible
The report can describe the structure and economic weight of the sector with relatively strong sources. It can also identify public legal frameworks, support services and sector networks. It cannot yet provide a complete wine-sector-specific measure of GBV, harassment, gender pay gaps, reporting mechanisms or women in all leadership functions. This limitation is not a weakness of the report; it is part of the Observatory agenda.