A wine ecosystem of small actors, strong identities and many access points
Greece should be read as a wine ecosystem, not only as a production sector. The country combines mainland and island vineyards, small family wineries, growers, associations, distributors, wine routes, hospitality, restaurants, events, education, wine journalism and destination-based tourism. This wider map matters because women may work, lead, sell, serve, communicate or train in different parts of the same sector, while facing different forms of visibility, dependency and risk.
The country’s wine identity is closely linked to regional diversity. Wines of Greece presents winegrowing regions across Macedonia, Thrace, Thessaly, Epirus, Central Greece, the Peloponnese, the Aegean Islands, Crete and the Ionian Islands, among others. [6] This territorial diversity creates cultural and commercial value, but it also means that support and prevention need to be accessible beyond Athens and beyond a small number of larger companies.
Greece in brief
Why fragmentation matters for prevention
The Greek wine sector is highly fragmented. Wines of Greece describes an average vineyard holding of slightly above five stremma and identifies around 180,000 growers. [2] This creates a very different prevention environment from one dominated by large employers. In small farms and wineries, workplace culture may be shaped by family relations, local reputation, informal recruitment, seasonal pressure and direct relationships with customers or visitors.
For GBV prevention, this means that the most effective entry points may not always be internal HR departments. They may be sector associations, regional wine organisations, training centres, support services, tourism routes, employer networks, cooperatives and local authorities. The Observatory should therefore help translate rights and support pathways into practical, low-threshold information for small actors.
Women in Greek wine: visible in the ecosystem, not yet visible enough in data
The current public data do not provide a consolidated national figure for women-owned or women-managed wine-sector companies. Nor do they provide wine-sector-specific public indicators on women’s employment, pay, board representation, harassment reports, reporting channels or access to support. This is not a reason to exclude gender from the report; it is one of the report’s most important findings.
Women are visible in Greek wine culture, entrepreneurship, hospitality, education, communication and professional networks, but the evidence base does not yet allow the Observatory to measure how this visibility translates into leadership, safety or influence. Public sector and media resources illustrate this visibility: Women of Wine Greece presents itself as an association founded in 1997 by women professionally involved in wine, including winemakers, oenologists, viticulturists, sommeliers, journalists and professionals in sales and marketing; Gastronomos has also profiled Greek women winemakers and oenologists through their wines. [14, 15] These sources are valuable for visibility and storytelling, but they should not be used as substitutes for official gender-disaggregated statistics.
A country report for Greece should therefore avoid two misleading simplifications: it should not suggest that women are absent from Greek wine, and it should not treat qualitative visibility as proof of structural equality. The stronger Observatory question is how visible women professionals can become better counted, better protected and better represented in governance and decision-making.
Data transparency: what can be seen and what remains invisible
The available sources allow the report to describe vineyard area, production, regional diversity, fragmentation, number of growers and wineries, product identity, market structure and some export indicators. They do not yet allow a full measurement of gendered workplace conditions in the wine supply chain. In addition, reliable data on employment levels is particularly difficult to obtain in the agricultural sector in Greece, where seasonal and informal labour remains widespread. Many workers, often immigrants, are employed temporarily without formal contracts and are paid per crate or harvest volume, making workforce size and working conditions largely invisible in official records. This data gap is part of the Observatory agenda: what is not measured is often what is hardest to address.